Stanford University Press Blog

Egypt's State of Emergency, and What it May Mean for the Future of Morsi's Government

The continuing unrest in Egypt has undermined hopes for a dramatic shift away from the authoritian regime that was in place before the spring 2011 revolution.  Latest developments raise further questions about Morsi's ability to lead the nation away from the oppressive regimes of the past.  A recent piece in the New York Times describing the State of Emergency declared in three Egyptian cities on Sunday, January 27, observed: "By imposing a one-month state of emergency in Suez, Ismailia and here in Port Said, where the police have lost all control, Mr. Morsi’s declaration chose to use one of the most despised weapons of former President Hosni Mubarak’s autocracy." The piece went on to comment that "a state of emergency suspends the ordinary judicial process and most civil rights. It gives the president and the police extraordinary powers."  And today's New York Times reports that " the nation’s top general warned Tuesday that the state itself was in danger of collapse if the feuding civilian leaders could not agree on a solution to restore order."

Comments on the parallels between both governments are not new, and certainly not to Josh Stacher:  "Morsi's declaration of a state of emergency in Egypt's three most central canal cities is partially a reaction to the inherited legacy of the Egyptian state after Hosni Mubarak's overthrow and the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces-led transition. Morsi is unable to prevent the periodic but routine violence from happening because he refuses to address the protesters' most basic demand: To reform the Interior Ministry and its coercive instruments.

In many respects, he fails to reform the Ministry because he cannot, which leaves him trapped at the crossroads of blame for this violence. Thus, Morsi confronts not only a restive population that has shown no signs of returning to their homes, but also a unbroken state whose ranks are cohesive in their
obstruction of his attempts to lead. Given that the 18 days of revolt in 2011 dislodged Mubarak but did not break the state, it is producing an overall deterioration of state authority and weakening of the state elites' ability to project power or heed the calls of its citizens."

For a more complete analysis on the legacy of authoritarian governments in Egypt, and a striking comparison of those governments in Egypt and Syria, turn to Stacher's latest book,  Regime Power in Egypt and Syria.

 

Where the GOP is Wrong on "Amnesty" and Border Security: a Guest Post by SUP Author Jody Agius Vallejo

President Obama just detailed his Comprehensive Immigration Reform (CIR) plan one one day after a bipartisan proposal was revealed by a “Gang of Eight” senators (Marco Rubio, R-FL; Jeff Flake, R-AZ; John McCain, R-AZ; Lindsey Graham, R-S.C.; Dick Durbin, D-IL; Bob Menendez, D-N.J.; Chuck
Schumer, D-NY; Michael Bennet, D-CO). Both plans are similar and focus on four key elements of reform: border enforcement, a national employment verification system and penalties for employers who hire unauthorized workers, an earned pathway to citizenship for the eleven million unauthorized migrants presently in the country (the majority of whom are Latino), and an overhaul of the ways in which visas are allocated. The sticking point for CIR will be how rapidly, and to what extent, nauthorized migrants are granted American citizenship.

Although republicans are eager to appeal to Latinos who overwhelmingly voted for Obama in the last election, many republicans are reluctant to agree to a rapid citizenship pathway, what they derisively call an amnesty, because they mistakenly think it rewards unauthorized migrants and encourages more
unauthorized migration. This is why the Gang of 8’s plan has placed contingencies on their proposed citizenship pathway that include proving that the border is secure and that visitors can no longer overstay visas. These contingencies do not bode well for America’s future, which is inexorably tied
to how rapidly Latinos achieve social mobility and enter the American middle class. What are the measures by which you prove that the U.S.-Mexico border is secure? Recent research demonstrates that levels of unauthorized migration are at their lowest levels in nearly a quarter of a century. In fact, unauthorized migration is presently at net zero.

In just a few months Latinos will surpass whites to comprise a majority of California’s population, and their national population is expected to double in just a few decades, from 17% in 2012 to 30% in 2040. Citizenship is a critical mechanism that will allow today’s immigrants, and tomorrow’s native-born citizens, to fully integrate into American society. My research on the Mexican American middle class shows that families with parents who gain legal status and citizenship early on in their children’s life forge a more rapid trajectory into the middle class. These parents exit exploitative low-wage jobs and earn higher incomes, the benefits of which stream down to children. Parents have more money to
invest in their children and save for college and they move to better neighborhoods. If republicans want to charm the Latino population, and do what is best for America’s future, they must support a rapid citizenship pathway that does not include contingencies that are impossible to meet.

For more on the Mexican Middle Class, see Jody's new book, Barrios to Burbs" The Making of the Mexican American Middle Class, and a Q&A she did recently with KPPC's "Multi-American."

Congrats to our 6 winners of the CHOICE Outstanding Academic Title Award!

They are:

1. Corrigall-Brown, Catherine. Patterns of Protest: trajectories of participation in social movements.
2. Kovner, Sarah. Occupying power: sex workers and servicemen in postwar Japan.
3. Mintz, Alan. Sanctuary in the Wilderness: a critical introduction to American Hebrew poetry.
4. Murav, Harriet.  Music From a Sppeding Train: Jewish literature in post-revolution Russia. 
5. The New Gilded Age: the critical inequality debates of our time, ed. by David B. Grusky and Tamar Kricheli-Katz.
6. Winter, Harold. The Economics of Excess: addiction, indulgence, and social policy.  

According to CHOICE, " The 644 titles in this year’s list are members of an exclusive club, representing less than 9 percent of the titles reviewed by Choice in 2012, and less than 3 percent of the 25,000 titles submitted.  As always, only a select group of publishers and authors are represented on such a list. Outstanding Academic Titles are truly the “best of the best.”Congratulations to you and your colleagues on this outstanding achievement."